Thursday, March 6, 2014

Post Crimea Space Cooperation: Finding a new ride.



US/Russian space cooperation has been an important part of space politics since 1996 and the placement of American Astronauts on Mir. Russian support has been essential to the International Space Station with the expense of the shuttle program (and after the Columbia disaster in 2003). Since the retirement of the shuttle program Russian support has been essential. The American space program is currently experiencing an odd “in-between” period with the continued development of a new launch system and the still-baby steps of private space contractors. The factor covering these is the dependable Souyz launch system and Russian cooperation. This looks to be in jeopardy with tensions over the Crimea. This, of course, raises a few different issues involving how Americans are going to get into orbit. Private contractors have proven they are able to launch supply flights into low-orbit. NASA is still developing the Orion launch system and the first unmanned flight is planned for September, 2014. I see a few options and none of them are cheap:

-Accelerate the development of Orion: This would require giving NASA more money, and with Congress unable to agree on anything these days I don’t see this happening. 

-Accelerate the development of private space venture: The existing space companies, like Space X, have launch systems that can support manned flight. The Space X system, named Dragon, is planning its first manned flight in 2015. 

-Kiss and make up to the Russians, or at least separate space from foreign policy: The shakiest option, especially as tensions continue to rise. Hitching a ride with the Russians after the rhetoric that has been exchanged over Crimea would be awkward to say the least. Very, very awkward. Sort of like calling your ex for a ride from a bar after a really, really, really bad break-up.

-Find somebody else: Of other space programs, only China currently has a manned flight capability and not only are they strategic partners to the Russians but questions arise to the capability to replace the Russians. From what I’ve read, probably not, even if a partnership could be formed, which most likely will not happen anyway.

The US has two options, deal with foreign policy and space or pump cash into NASA and private space companies. On the other side, the loss of American money from the Russian space program could seriously hurt it as well. The American infusion of cash has played a significant part in keeping the Russians above water; the loss of this money could very well see the Russian program scaled back significantly. Cooperation in space is not just sound policy but budgetary as well. Program cuts have seen both sides rely upon the other.  Essentially, cutting the space cooperation will hurt both states but in the right circumstances this could be a shot in the arm for the American public and private space programs

Monday, March 3, 2014

2014 Crimean Emergency


There will be some consequences and possible actions that everybody has available to them.
The Russians:

-Long Term Economic Consequences: Early March is seeing the ruble take a nosedive on the world markets. Investors are dumping their rubles and, as the market does, many follow. If the Ukraine wanted to really play along, dumping their rubles would hurt the Russians in the place it will ultimately hurt most: the pocket book. In addition many Russians are buying dollars, further increasing the disparity. 

-The cost, as of March 3rd, for the Russian attack is running at 10 billion. It costs some serious money to mount a full scale land, sea and air attack on even a neighboring country. How long can Russia sustain this expense?

-Why? Putin doesn’t want a NATO or EU ally on his western border. The Crimean Emergency follows the general pattern of the 2008 South Ossetia war except for one important aspect; Ukraine did not take the first shot. Georgia was both an expectant member of NATO and a close ally of the west. Russia likes its buffer states, a lot. It’s also losing them at a fairly fast rate, which historically has never been good for Russian security. 

-Opportunity: Ukrainian domestic strife was Putin’s green light to accomplish something he had put on the radar years ago. Encouragement of pro-Russian activity certainly had been going on before the official movement of the military began. Ukraine’s cultural, ethnic and linguistic situation places it between the west and the east and made the step of taking over the very Russian Crimea easy. What counts is how the Ukrainian military handles it. 

-What Putin can do to solidify his hold: The smart bet would be to call for a vote from the residents of the Crimea. Certainly this will go in favor of Russia, judging from the initial reaction by residents of the Crimea. It would give Putin political leverage and make Ukraine’s position less sound.
At 9EST the Russian ultimatum for Ukrainian forces to abandon their posts in the Crimea is set to expire. What happens next will determine the character of this emergency. 

Ukraine: 

-Ukrainian Capability: As of 3/3 the Ukrainian military is mobilizing its reserves. It’s not a large force, and certainly smaller than the RFR military. But it’s also concentrated in a far, far smaller area and Russia has other security concerns that, in all likelihood, put the military capability at near parity. The Ukrainian military is not as advanced but they would also put up a fight if Putin decided to mount a larger attack. The disparity in technology will have less effect on the defenders than the attackers. 

-Play it Cool: So far the Ukrainian reaction has been political, not military. They need to let the Russians act first. This will get them more political capital in whatever road they pursue. The status of the Crimea and its semi-autonomous status quite possibly play a part in this; it was easier to let go, at least in the short term. 

-Partition: Realistically Ukraine could just partition itself out, the east going to Russia and the West going with the EU. Practically, this won’t happen unless the state calls for a vote. Ukrainian nationalism is a very real thing and the eastern half of the country isn’t as pro-Russian as the Crimea. The last time a nation tried to remove itself from the state was Croatia and the resulting Yugoslav Civil War was devastating.  Several pundits have discussed this option but unless a popular vote overwhelmingly demands it, it most likely is a non-option. 

-Use Force: Not a good option. Offensive action would quite possibly stretch the Ukrainians past their breaking point as well as dilute the, hopefully, forthcoming aid packages from the west. The Ukrainian military has been under a series of reforms since 2013 and this has reduced their total numbers by around 40,000 as well as made the military an all-volunteer force. This was done as a cost saving measure.

The West and the rest:

-NATO: The best course of action is no action beyond political and economic support. If Putin would go further, and I believe he won’t, some could compare this to NATO’s inaction in 1956 during the Hungarian Uprising. But in the age of globalization and interdependence, using NATO’s economic power to sanction Russia would be a far better course of action. NATO traditionally wants to not escalate a situation in Europe. Any direct military intervention here would be just that. 

-European Union: Again, a political and  economic response would be more devastating to Russia than any military action. 

-As of 3/3 Poland was conducting a limited mobilization towards its eastern border. This is more likely done in response to a potential refugee issue than any Russian threat. Neither Romania nor Hungary has overtly moved more troops but this could and probably will change if refugee issues threaten to become a problem. 

-The US quite probably made a mistake with the language it used on 2/28 and 3/1. The ability to deliver severe consequences will be necessarily very limited. In a military sense Mihail Kogalniceanu Air Base, located about 25 miles northwest of the Black Sea city of Constanta and about 2,500 miles northwest of Afghanistan could serve as a potential asset, depending of course on how the Romanians view the situation. But military force is not the answer here. Economic sanctions and political maneuvering is a far better alternative. The Obama doctrine which is to plan, execute, follow but not lead, should once more take precedence here. Let the EU/NATO make the move with US support on the back end. 

-The Snowden addendum: I wonder if the issues with US intelligence and the flat footed response are because of the loss of intelligence assets on the ground in Russia due to the Snowden leaks. Snowden compromised far more than simply the NSA spying. He also, most likely, compromised US intelligence world-wide and then fled to one of the more repressive regimes in the region. It’s not a stretch of the imagination that the RFR could have used intelligence provided by Snowden to fix leaks and compromised intelligence.  Just a thought and I have seen absolutely nothing to back it up.     
The Crimean Emergency is power politics in an era of interdependence where aggression by a large power will not pay the same dividends it did a century ago. Russia, and by default Putin, may have taken one step too far. While further military action with western states is very unlikely, economic repercussions are. Russia’s economy is not the strongest to begin with and the cost of military action, the cost of supplying the Crimea (which obtains most of its goods and services from Ukraine via land routes) and already occurring devaluation of the ruble the further, long term consequences could be devastating.  But the already strengthening national spirit in Russia will most likely give Putin a free hand to pursue whatever policy he’s willing to risk in the coming days, weeks and months.I'll try to update in the coming days and see how wrong I am.